The premier political party of Nepal - the Nepali Congress is commemorating BP Koirala’s 44th death anniversary with nationwide programmes. BP – a towering statesman, the leader and architect of Nepal’s 1950-51 revolution which ushered the country into modern era and the community of democratic nations, was Nepal’s first democratically elected prime minister. He immediately undertook the task of expanding and diversifying Nepal’s diplomatic relations to further strengthen the nation’s independent identity and enhance its international profile. Within just 18 months (May 27, 1959 to December 15, 1960), his government established diplomatic relations with 17 countries. The Koirala government sought to democratise the institution of monarchy. Fearing the loss of his personal power and prestige, King Mahendra abruptly dismissed the Koirala government and imprisoned him on December 15, 1960.
BP Koirala remains as the guiding spirit of Nepal’s balanced foreign policy judging “every issue on its merit without consideration of anybody’s fear or favour.” To this day, no leader of his intelligence, vision, capacity and thought process has emerged. BP was known far and wide not primarily by the power he held, but for ideas he championed. He elevated the spirit of the nation, with his exceptional clarity of vision and thought. He always looked ahead with larger picture and developing profound insights into a wide range of issues. As a country with an exceptionally sensitive and fragile geopolitical location between two giant neighbours, facing an increasingly complex geopolitical environment, BP’s insights into national politics and foreign policy stand as valuable guideposts for navigating these challenging times.
Vision of South Asia
In an interview with Mani Rana and Dhruba Hari Adhikary of the BBC in 1979, BP spoke of South Asian role for Nepal, and said, “We can play an important role in South Asia.” This was several years before the emergence of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in 1985. He clearly understood the Chinese reality when much of the world particularly the Western countries remained reluctant to engage the People’s Republic of China. During his address to the 15th UN General Assembly on 29, September 1960, he urged the international community to accept the People’s Republic of China as a respected member. Without China at the UN, the world body, BP argued, “can neither become universal nor can it reflect the political realities existing in the world.” Today, the reality of foreign policy and diplomacy is inseparable from the reality of China’s global role. No discussion of diplomacy, the economy, technology, geopolitics or geo-economics is complete without considering China’s influence.
BP Koirala fearing that the absence of national unity would pave the way for foreign powers to start intrigues and turn Nepal into a centre of international conspiracy, chose to end his eight-year political exile in India, and returned home after issuing an appeal for ‘national unity and reconciliation’ to the countrymen on December 30, 1976. He faced seven serious charges of treason and sedition for leading the democratic movement against the King’s partyless Panchayat system. He warned, against “the preponderance of self-seeking, communalism (regionalism), individualistic mentality and tendency “to look to foreign hands.” In a situation such as this, he warned, nationalism becomes the first casualty.” Sadly, this is precisely what is happening in the country today.
Nepal witnessed Gen Z protests last year in September, resulting not only the change of government, but leaving the nation in a state of utter uncertainty after the wide-spread destruction of public property. Protests by young generation were fuelled by people’s grievances, increasing corruption, nepotism, and personal enrichment of those in power. The rise of populism on the left, right and beyond has raised the stakes for mainstream politics to an unprecedented level. This is the real test for centrist politics. None of the populist politics has delivered on its promises. Instead, populism has only raised false hopes and unrealistic expectations. Such a politics focuses on managing crises of marginal importance to the nation’s future. This brand of populist politics is driven by a “me-me-and me” first mentality which avoids long-term thinking and hinders effective governance and delivery.
There is a danger that nationalism could descend into ethnic nationalism in a country which has enjoyed remarkable social harmony from time immemorial. As early as 1979, BP warned against the lure of populism when it was nowhere on the horizon, “I do not propose to say or do anything which I think is not correct, even if it is unpopular. If democracy has to be saved, we cannot afford to give in to populism.”
Nepali Congress is a centre-left party. It needed reform, renewal and transformation in working style and political culture. It got a young leadership through its Second Special General Convention, injecting a huge hope among its members and supporters. Party president Gagan Thapa is a good orator and an effective communicator. He must reach out to dissenting factions within the party and ensure that it remains true to its ideal of democratic socialism and other core democratic values. By engaging and including everyone on board, the party benefits, and so will the country and democracy.
Need of hour
With populist politics at its peak, a united Nepali Congress is both the need of the hour and the finest tribute to BP’s vision of nation first above everything else. Continued fluidity, uncertainty, and infighting would create opportunities for outsiders to exploit fault lines. The arduous task of safeguarding the nation is already knocking at NC’s doors. Remember “history is an unending dialogue between the present and the past,” an honest assessment of the NC historic journey is essential to chart out a future roadmap.
The NC’s General Convention, scheduled for October, offers an opportunity to take its message to a wider audience. Before that it must develop narratives on the state of nation, its long-standing commitment to democratic socialism, foreign policy, the economy, and socio-cultural issues. To address the country’s fundamental challenges, the party must put its internal house in order and sort out its deeper structural and organisational challenges.
(Bhattarai, Ph. D., is a faculty member of the Institute of Crisis Management Studies (ICMS), Tribhuvan University. dineshbhattarai@tuicms.edu.np